Earth News This Week

Wednesday, August 15, 2007

Business savvy New India

Indian Business on New Trajectory

India finds comparative advantage not in jeans, geography, or geology but in skills and managerial capital.
Sixty years usually signals the onset of dotage in humans. But it is in fact a relatively young age for nations. So, what kind of infant is the Indian economy? A decade or two ago, against the background of unsuccessful performance, this question would probably have elicited the caustic comparison: “Indian industry and the Indian economy are like Peter Pan: they never grow up.” Today, however, the infant seems more precocious than immature. The Indian economy has been doing many things well ahead of what countries usually do at this stage of their development.
No account of Indian precociousness can begin, of course, without mentioning the mother of all precocious feats, namely, sustaining a democracy in the inhospitable terrain of low levels of income and literacy, and a highly fractured society. In the post-war period, only a few other developing countries, (for example, Mauritius, Botswana, and Cost Rica) have sustained uninterrupted democracies, but they have been much smaller than India. The more common chronology has been growth first and democracy (maybe) later as the experience of East Asia has shown.
Moving on to economics, start with the most-cited anomaly of India relying on services rather than manufacturing as the basis for its growth. A slightly different way of characterising this is the following. Historically, no country has escaped from under-development using relatively skill-intensive activities as the launching pad for sustained growth as India has done. The most common mode of escape has been jeans, geology, or geography.
East Asian countries relied on relatively low-skilled manufacturing, typically textiles and clothing. Countries in West Asia today, and Australia and Canada further back in time, exploited their natural resources. And some of the island successes (Barbados and Mauritius) have exploited their geography by developing tourism.
Put differently, India seems to have defied its “natural” comparative advantage, which probably lay in the jeans mode of escape because of its abundant unskilled and low-skilled labour. Instead, it found or created — thanks to historical policy choices and technological accidents — such advantage in relatively skilled activities. That the relevant distinction is skill-based rather than sectoral is reflected in the fact that even within manufacturing, India has an atypically high share of skilled-intensive sectors.
India’s anomalous pattern of development on another score is less well-known. Development involves countries diversifying their economic base and only later — after an income level of about $15,000 per capita — specialising in fewer activities. India has diversified to a greater extent and faster than usual for a country of its income level, and has also started specialising much earlier than the typical country. This early and precocious diversification proved to be an asset because it equipped Indian industry to exploit some of the subsequent opportunities created by the IT and software revolution.
But in some ways, the most astonishing sign of precociousness has related to capital. Development theory’s version of gravitational pull asserts that capital should flow downhill: from rich countries (where the risk-adjusted returns to capital are much lower because of diminished returns to capital) to poorer ones (where these returns are greater). But capital flowing uphill has been one of the anomalies of recent times: many East Asian countries, especially China, and more recently, the oil-rich countries of West Asia, have run current account surpluses, whose mirror image is the export of financial capital. India has only rarely exported financial capital.
But India is the one country that seems to be defying a stronger version of the gravitational law of development, which says that managerial and entrepreneurial capital — foreign direct investment (FDI) — will always flow downhill. Empirical validation for this “law” can be found in a paper that I co-authored with Eswar Prasad and Raghuram Rajan (http://www.iie.com/publications/papers/subramanian0407.pdf): whereas overall capital had occasionally flowed uphill, FDI never did. In the post-war period, the average income of countries that have been net exporters of FDI has been about $45,000 per capita. If only exports of FDI going to the rich countries had been considered, the number would have been higher still.
In 2006-07, India’s net imports of FDI were 9 per cent of GDP. So, India is still not a net exporter (it could have been had some transactions been recorded differently) but the really striking fact is that India’s gross exports of FDI were a whopping 12 per cent of GDP and much of this was destined for the OECD countries. In other words, India has become a large exporter of FDI to rich countries at a per capita GDP of about $900 per capita, when the average country has done so closer to a per capita GDP in excess of $50,000. How precocious is that? As impressive is the range and sophistication of industries that Indian managers and entrepreneurs are moving into: oil, automotives, information technology, pharmaceuticals, steels, and even wind-energy. In contrast, a lot of Chinese FDI is in Africa and is resource-related.
For a country that shunned global capitalism until very recently —IBM and Coca Cola were asked to leave in the late 1970s — and was seen as a paragon of inefficiency, it is a remarkable, ironic turnaround. Indians are engaged in global capitalism not just as workers but as “bosses,” taking over and efficiently managing global capital!
In some ways, all this precociousness should be no surprise at all. The fact is that there are many Indian economies within geographic India and some of them do resemble developed economies: in being endowed with educated and entrepreneurial people, in being well-connected with the outside world, and in having access to capital. They are probably also too well “connected” within India. It would be more anomalous if these Indias had not recorded some of these precocious achievements.
But there are enough other Indias that should temper any triumphalism that the achievements of the precocious Indias might tempt us into. For one, poor India rather than precocious India is still the rule. And the very fact of defying comparative advantage means that India’s abundant resource — its unskilled labour — has been afforded limited opportunities for economic and social advancement.
So, at sixty, let us savour the achievements by all means, but always remembering that precocious infants can be maladapted ones, and also that they do not always grow into successful, happy, or even, normal adults.
Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics and Center for Global Development, and Senior Research Professor, Johns Hopkins University

George Gheverghese Joseph, Kerala and Manchester

George Gheverghese Joseph was born in Kerala, Southern India, and lived in India until he was nine. His family then moved to Mombasa in Kenya where he received his schooling. He studied at the University of Leicester and then worked for six years as a teacher in Kenya before returning to pursue his postgraduate studies at Manchester.

His teaching and research have ranged over a broad spectrum of subjects in applied mathematics and statistics, including multivariate analysis, mathematical programming and demography. In recent years, however, his research has been mainly on the cultural and historical aspects of mathematics with particular emphasis on the non-European dimensions to the subject and its relevance for mathematics education.

In January 2000, he organised an International Seminar and Colloquium to commemorate the 1500th year of Aryabhata's famous text, Aryabhateeyam, which was held in Thiruvanthapuram, Kerala, India.

His publications include four books: Women at Work ( Philip Allan, Oxford, 1983), The Crest of the Peacock: Non-European Roots of Mathematics ( 1st Hardback Edition, Tauris, 1991; 1st Paperback Edition, Penguin 1992, 2nd Edition, jointly by Penguin Books and Princeton University Press, 2000), Multicultural Mathematics: Teaching Mathematics from a Global Perspective (Oxford University Press, 1993) and George Joseph: Life and Times of a Kerala Christian Nationalist (Orient Longman, 2003). The last named book is a political biography of his grandfather, George Joseph, a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawarhalal Nehru and other leaders of modern India. A Malayalam translation of the book is imminent. He is also the author of about 70 articles and chapters in books.

He is at present working on two projects: a history of Indian mathematics and a joint project with Dennis Almeida of the University of Exeter, funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Board, on 'Medieval Kerala Mathematics: The Possibility of its Transmission to Europe'.

At present he holds joint honorary appointments at Universities of Exeter and Manchester, United Kingdom and at University of Toronto, Canada.

Infinite series and 10th century Kerala mathematicians

Kerala mathematicians Predated Newton by 250 Years,


Dr. George Gheverghese Joseph. (Credit: Image courtesy of University of Manchester)


A little known school of scholars in southwest India discovered one of the founding principles of modern mathematics hundreds of years before Newton -- according to new research.

Dr George Gheverghese Joseph from The University of Manchester says the 'Kerala School' identified the 'infinite series '- one of the basic components of calculus - in about 1350.

The discovery is currently - and wrongly - attributed in books to Sir Isaac Newton and Gottfried Leibnitz at the end of the seventeenth centuries.

The team from the Universities of Manchester and Exeter reveal the Kerala School also discovered what amounted to the Pi series and used it to calculate Pi correct to 9, 10 and later 17 decimal places.

And there is strong circumstantial evidence that the Indians passed on their discoveries to mathematically knowledgeable Jesuit missionaries who visited India during the fifteenth century.

That knowledge, they argue, may have eventually been passed on to Newton himself.

Dr Joseph made the revelations while trawling through obscure Indian papers for a yet to be published third edition of his best selling book 'The Crest of the Peacock: the Non-European Roots of Mathematics' by Princeton University Press.

He said: "The beginnings of modern maths is usually seen as a European achievement but the discoveries in medieval India between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries have been ignored or forgotten.

"The brilliance of Newton's work at the end of the seventeenth century stands undiminished -- especially when it came to the algorithms of calculus.

"But other names from the Kerala School, notably Madhava and Nilakantha, should stand shoulder to shoulder with him as they discovered the other great component of calculus- infinite series.

"There were many reasons why the contribution of the Kerala school has not been acknowledged - a prime reason is neglect of scientific ideas emanating from the Non-European world - a legacy of European colonialism and beyond.

"But there is also little knowledge of the medieval form of the local language of Kerala, Malayalam, in which some of most seminal texts, such as the Yuktibhasa, from much of the documentation of this remarkable mathematics is written.

He added: "For some unfathomable reasons, the standard of evidence required to claim transmission of knowledge from East to West is greater than the standard of evidence required to knowledge from West to East.

"Certainly it's hard to imagine that the West would abandon a 500-year-old tradition of importing knowledge and books from India and the Islamic world.

"But we've found evidence which goes far beyond that: for example, there was plenty of opportunity to collect the information as European Jesuits were present in the area at that time.

"They were learned with a strong background in maths and were well versed in the local languages.

"And there was strong motivation: Pope Gregory XIII set up a committee to look into modernising the Julian calendar.

"On the committee was the German Jesuit astronomer/mathematician Clavius who repeatedly requested information on how people constructed calendars in other parts of the world. The Kerala School was undoubtedly a leading light in this area.

"Similarly there was a rising need for better navigational methods including keeping accurate time on voyages of exploration and large prizes were offered to mathematicians who specialised in astronomy.

"Again, there were many such requests for information across the world from leading Jesuit researchers in Europe. Kerala mathematicians were hugely skilled in this area."